December 31, 2012
The Death Toll of the Crimes of Capitalism

This little project is my attempt to right the imbalance of information. While many compilations of the “Crimes of Communism” exist, most notably the “Black Book of Communism”, there does not seem to be a reliable, accurate analysis of the death toll of capitalism, of the wars, oppression, slavery, violence and poverty caused by this system over the many years it has existed (from the 1500’s).

The Crimes

* The Colonization of the Americas

* The Colonization of Australia

* The Atlantic Slave Trade - 10 000 000

* World War 1 - 17 000 000

* World War 2 - 60 000 000

* The Vietnam War (including the bombings of Laos and Cambodia) - 3 992 846

* The defeat of the Paris Commune - 25 000

* Pinochet’s CIA backed regime in Chile - 33 000

* Batista’s Regime in Cuba - 20 000

* Irish Potato Famine - 2 500 000

* Saddam Hussein’s American backed regime in Iraq - 300 000

* The War in Iraq - 1 033 000

* The War in Afghanistan - 14 700

* Overthrow of Patrice Lumumba and resulting Civil War/Dictatorship in the Congo

* The regime of Raphael Trujillo in the Dominican Republic

* The overthrow of Mohammed Mossadegh and the Shah’s regime in Iran - 16 000

* Israeli genocide against the Palestinians

* The regime of Alfredo Stroessner in Paraguay

* Military junta in Argentina

* Bhobal Chemical disaster - 15 000

* Spanish American War

* American Civil War - 620 000

* Spanish Civil War - 500 000

* Belgian Involvement in the Congo - 10 000 000

* Francisco Franco and the Fascist reign in Spain

* Military Dictatorship in Greece

* The overthrow of Jacobo Arbenz in Guatemala

* The after effects of the use of Agent Orange in Vietnam - 400 000

* The Contras in Nicaragua - 30 000

* Apartheid in South Africa - 21 000

* Nationalist China - 10 000 000

* The Indian Mutiny - 10 000 000

* Partition of India and following violence - 500 000

* First Indochina War - 400 000

* Lynchings in the USA between 1882 and 1964 - 4742

* Spartacist Revolt (Germany in 1919) - 1200

* Cuban Revolution - 5200

* US involvement in El Salvador - 70 000

* US Involvement in Guatemala - 100 000

* The Troubles in Ireland (1968 - 1998) - 3524

* American-Phillipino War - c. 1 000 000

* The Suez Crisis - 3 000

* Six Day War - 15 000

* First Italo-Ethiopian War - 30 000

* Second Italo-Ethiopian War and subsequent occupation - 300 000

* First Boer War - < 500

* Second Boer War - 40 000

* Iraq-Iran War - 1 000 000

* US sanctions on Iraq - 1 000 000

* Suharto in Indonesia - 1 200 000

* Japanese Democides - 5 964 000

* US Bombing of Yugoslavia - 300 000

* Feudal Russia - 1 066 000

* Children killed by Hunger during the 1990’s - 100 000 000

* Japanese Occupation of East Timor - 70 000

* Japanese Bombing of China - 71 105

* Japanese Massacre of Singapore - 100 000

* Japanese Germ Warfare in China - 200 000

* Rubber companies in Peru and Brazil - 250 000

* Capitalist Russia - 3 000 000

* The Korean War - 4 000 000

* The Greek Civil War - 158 000

* US Invasion of Grenada - 1 400

* US Invasion of Panama - 3 000

* Use and Exploitation of Child Labour - Unknown/Unknowable

* Operation Crossroads at Bikini Atoll - 250


Total so far: 357 824 914

Recurring Sources: 21st Century Atlas (http://necrometrics.com/index.htm)

Sources used in that site:

Aletheia, M. D., The Rationalist’s Manual (1897):

AWM: Australian War Memorial Fact Sheet [http://www.awm.gov.au/encyclopedia/war_casualties.asp]

“B&J”: Jacob Bercovitch and Richard Jackson, International Conflict : A Chronological Encyclopedia of Conflicts and Their Management 1945-1995 (1997)

Bodart, Gaston, Losses of Life in Modern Wars (1916)

Britannica, 15th edition, 1992 printing

Brzezinski, Zbigniew, Out of Control: Global Turmoil on the Eve of the Twenty-first Century (1993).

The Cambridge Encyclopedia of Africa (1981)

The Cambridge History of Africa (1986), ed. J. D. Fage and R. Oliver

CDI: The Center for Defense Information, The Defense Monitor, “The World At War: January 1, 1998”.

Chirot, Daniel: Modern Tyrants : the power and prevalence of evil in our age (1994)

Chomsky, Noam, The Chomsky Reader (1987); Deterring Democracy (1991)

Clodfelter, Michael, Warfare and Armed Conflict: A Statistical Reference to Casualty and Other Figures, 1618-1991

Compton’s Encyclopedia Online v.2.0 (1997)

COWP: Correlates of War Project at the University of Michigan [http://www.correlatesofwar.org/]

Courtois, Stephane, The Black Book of Communism, 1997

Davies, Norman, Europe A History (1998)

Dictionary of Twentieth Century World History, by Jan Palmowski (Oxford, 1997)

Dictionary of Wars, by George Childs Kohn (Facts on File, 1999)

DoD: United States Department of Defense [http://web1.whs.osd.mil/mmid/m01/SMS223R.HTM]

Dumas, Samuel, and K.O. Vedel-Petersen, Losses of Life Caused By War (1923)

Dunnigan, A Quick and Dirty Guide to War (1991)

Eckhardt, William, in World Military and Social Expenditures 1987-88 (12th ed., 1987) by Ruth Leger Sivard.

Edgerton, Robert B, Africa’s armies: from honor to infamy: a history from 1791 to the present (2002)

Encarta, Microsoft Encarta ‘95.

FAS 2000: Federation of American Scientists, The World at War (2000)

Gibbon, Edward, Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire

Gilbert, Martin, A History of the Twentieth Century (1997)

Global Security: The World At War [http://www.globalsecurity.org/military/world/war/index.html]

Grenville, J. A. S., A History of the World in the Twentieth Century (1994)

Hammond Atlas of the 20th Century (1996)

Harff, Barbara & Gurr, Ted Robert: “Toward an Empirical Theory of Genocides and Politicides”, 32 International Studies Quarterly 359 (1988).

Hartman, T., A World Atlas of Military History 1945-1984 (1984)

Henige, David, Numbers From Nowhere, (1998)

Johnson, Paul, Modern Times (1983); A History of the Jews (1987)

Kuper, Leo, Genocide: its political uses in the Twentieth Century (1981)

Levy, Jack, War in the Modern Great Power System (1983)

Marley, David, Wars of the Americas (1998)

Our Times: The Illustrated History of the 20th Century (Turner Publishing 1995)

“PGtH”: Stuart and Doris Flexner, The Pessimist’s Guide to History (1992, updated 2000)

“Ploughshares”: Project Ploughshares, Armed Conflicts Report 2000

Porter, Jack Nusan, Genocide and Human Rights (1982)

Rosenbaum, Alan S., Is the Holocaust Unique? Perspectives on comparative genocide (1996)

Rummel, Rudolph J.: China’s Bloody Century : Genocide and Mass Murder Since 1900 (1991); Lethal Politics : Soviet Genocide and Mass Murder Since 1917 (1990); Democide : Nazi Genocide and Mass Murder (1992); Death By Government (1994), http://www2.hawaii.edu/~rummel/welcome.html.

Sheina, Robert L., Latin America’s Wars: The Age of the Caudillo, 1791-1899 (2003)

“S&S”: Small, Melvin & Joel David Singer, Resort to Arms : International and Civil Wars 1816-1980 (1982)

Singer, Joel David, The Wages of War. 1816-1965 (1972)

SIPRI Yearbook: Stockholm International Peace Research Institute

Skidmore, Thomas E. (and Peter H. Smith), Modern Latin America, 4th ed., 1997

Smith, Dan: The State of War and Peace Atlas (1997); The New State of War and Peace (1991); The War Atlas (1983) with Michael Kidron

Sorokin, Pitirim, Social and Cultural Dynamics, vol.3 (1937, 1962)

Timeframe AD 1900-1925 The World In Arms (Time-Life)

Timeframe AD 1925-1950 Shadow of the Dictators (Time-Life)

Timeframe AD 1950-1990 Nuclear Age (Time-Life)

Totten, Samuel, ed., Century of Genocide: Eyewitness Accounts and Critical Views (1997)

Urlanis, Boris, Wars and Population (1971)

Wallechinsky: David Wallechinsky’s Twentieth Century : History With the Boring Parts Left Out (1995).

War Annual: The World in Conflict [year] War Annual [number].

Wertham, Fredric, A Sign For Cain : An Exploration of Human Violence (1966)

“WHPSI”: The World Handbook of Political and Social Indicators by Charles Lewis Taylor

“WPA3”: World Political Almanac, 3rd Ed. (Facts on File: 1995) by Chris Cook.

-re-blogging and adding a couple.

August 12, 2012
People of Color Organize: Why Today’s Radicals Must Read Marx’s Das Kapital

The relevance of Marx’s Das Kapital to the modern capitalist world is once again getting a hearing. After the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991 and the opening up of China to international capitalism, the political and economic elites declared that a new economic paradigm had arrived, bringing with it undreamt promises of wealth and consumer bliss as long as the market was left to do its own thing. Plenty of people listened to them. But their hubris and complacency rested on a massive historical amnesia that blinded them to an elementary truth borne out by nearly 400 years of history: namely that capitalism remains structurally prone to major economic crises.

That is one context in which it makes sense to return to Marx’s Das Kapital. As the title of the book makes clear: it names the beast. Without a name, we cannot really begin to define what the problems are – in their deep fundamentals; without naming this system of social and economic arrangements, the deep structural causes elude us.

Whether we are talking about obesity epidemics, water shortages amid torrential downpours, or environmental degradation and toxification, the hollowing out of representative democracy, the erosion of workers rights, the growing inequalities between the rich and the rest, the dismantling of the public sector and the destruction of social gains and rights built up over decades; whether we are talking about a lost generation of young people whose skills and potentialities can find no gainful employment; the reduction of education to obedience, conformity and discipline; the transformation of the media from tools of information, connection and creativity to purveyors of ignorance, sensationalism and tired clichés; whether we are talking about the economic violence of the system or the surveillance society or the decreasing room to peacefully protest without being truncheoned, tasered or worse – all these problems and more can be traced back to the question of capital and unless we name the system within which these problems are developing, public debate, public discourse and policy agendas, are doomed to stay at the surface level, addressing symptoms at best, or making the problems worse by following the same discredited capitalist nostrums and prescriptions that are responsible for the problems in the first place.

This is why a book whose first volume appeared in 1867 remains compellingly relevant to our times. Marx’s great work has a universality about it – an applicability to capitalism in whatever country and whatever century it develops. Yet this universality is not an empty abstraction – Marx develops a critique that is both empirically responsible and more importantly cuts through to the essential relations of the system.

That is a rare blend. While Darwin’s The Origin of the Species has become accepted by the vast majority of the scientific community, Marx’s work remains –as he would wish – a scandal and abomination for the bourgeoisie. It is in many respects a deeply challenging counter-intuitive attack on cherished assumptions, held both by the political economists and the lay man and women in the street, in so far as they fall under the spell of the spontaneous ideology secreted by capitalist exchange.

Marx showed that the capitalist system is torn apart by structurally irresolvable contradictions. Adopting Hegel’s methodology, Marx deconstructed bourgeois political economy from within, starting with its own conceptual universe and discovering the contradictions and conflicts within that system and showing what bourgeois political economy had to repress in order to retain a semblance of coherence. The really big repression within bourgeois political economy is this: where does value come from? Bourgeois political economy cannot really confront this question and prefers to stay at the level of secondary phenomena, such as supply and demand, interest or mark up, to explain the origin of value.

In this repression bourgeois political economy mirrors the capitalist system itself. The origins of things, and indeed capitalism’s own historical origins are anathema to capital. Marx tracks the source of value to exploited labour power and historically capitalist commodity production emerges when labour power becomes a commodity on a large scale. This requires separating labour power from any private or common ownership of the means of production. Forced to sell their labour power to survive they meet the owner of the means of production, the capitalist, in the market place on very unequal terms.

The concept labour-power is one of Marx’s conceptual innovations that marks a decisive break from bourgeois political economy. For labour-power produces more value than it costs in the market. That innovation in turn required Marx to develop another conceptual innovation. For labour-power produces value surplus to what it is paid and this surplus value is owned and controlled by capital.

Today we are told incessantly that the origin of wealth depends on innovative entrepreneurs, risk takers, visionaries and corporations who we must bow down to, do everything in our power to mollify and attract (by cutting their taxes and worsening labour conditions) because they bring jobs and investment.

But where does this ‘investment’ come from? Marx’s answer is unequivocal: it has in effect been seized by capital from labour and turned into monetized assets that obey the logic and dictates of the capitalist system. But behind the concepts lies a struggle written in sweat and blood as capital seeks to reduce the cost of labour and expand the surplus value which labour-power produces.

‘Capital cares nothing for the length of life of labor power’ says Marx, after remarking on the premature deaths of bakers and blacksmiths. ‘All that concerns it is simply and solely the maximum of labour power that can be rendered fluent in a workday’. Any worker in a call centre today would recognize that analysis.

Similarly, the product of labour is degraded by capital in the pursuit of profit. Marx noted the extensive adulteration of bread with alum powder in the English bakeries and saw this as the flip side of worker exploitation. When we look at the crisis in food production today we can see that Marx was indeed prophetic.

Another one of those big conceptual innovations that Marx handed down to us and which explain so much today was the concept of commodity fetishism. This concept helps explain how the daily and routine practices of capitalist exchange structurally inhibits our cognitive capacities to grasp the network of social relationships, the causal forces at work in the phenomena of everyday life.

Capitalism works as a giant act of decontextualisation, by making people, events and institutions, work as if they had no social basis, no social connections, no social requirements and no social conditions of existence.With the concept of commodity fetishism Marx also anticipates and helps us understand a very important aspect of advanced consumer capitalism: namely the giant orchestration of psychological investments and satisfactions in the decontextualised phenomena of everyday life.

Today we are heading towards a perfect storm: a massive economic crisis, a political crisis, a social crisis and an ecological crisis – a multiplication of crises that will bring war in its wake. Marx’s Das Kapital, which was a huge laborious expose of this monstrous system’s inner and essential tendencies towards crises, remains the book that every generation must rediscover.

Original Article

June 2, 2012
"If capitalism has got to the point that it considers
half of humanity a ‘superfluous population’, might it not be that
capitalism itself has now become a mode of social organisation
that is superfluous?"

— Samir Amin

May 31, 2012
"Marx uses the terms “value” and “surplus-value” to refer to specifically capitalism, a historical organization of the economy limited to certain times and places… to argue that value and surplus value are necessary to consider women’s work meritorious is to fall prey to “commodity fetishism”, the notion that people have no “value” without being able to produce commodities and money. The social and ethic use of the term “value” has been supplanted by the economic connotation, the production of profit for the expansion of capital."

— Ann Davis

May 24, 2012
Capitalist dentists torture 4 year old at school without mothers knowledge.

Isaac Gagnon stepped off the school bus sobbing last October and opened his mouth to show his mother where it hurt.

She saw steel crowns on two of the 4-year-old’s back teeth. A dentist’s statement in his backpack showed he had received two pulpotomies, or baby root canals, along with the crowns and 10 X-rays — all while he was at school. Isaac, who suffers from seizures from a brain injury in infancy, didn’t need the work, according to his mother, Stacey Gagnon.

“I was absolutely horrified,” said Gagnon, of Camp Verde, Arizona. “I never gave them permission to drill into my son’s mouth. They did it for profit.”

Isaac’s case and others like it are under scrutiny by federal lawmakers and state regulators trying to determine whether a popular business model fueled by Wall Street money is soaking taxpayers and having a malign influence on dentistry.

Isaac’s dentist was dispatched to his school by ReachOut Healthcare America, a dental management services company that’s in the portfolio of Morgan Stanley Private Equity, operates in 22 states and has dealt with 1.5 million patients. Management companies are at the center of a U.S. Senate inquiry, and audits, investigations and civil actions in six states over allegations of unnecessary procedures, low-quality treatment and the unlicensed practice of dentistry.

Allegations like Gagnon’s “are not representative” of the more than 500 cases handled by ReachOut affiliates in Isaac’s school district, said Mickey Mandelbaum, a company spokesman.

ReachOut is one of at least 25 dental management-services companies bought or backed by private-equity firms in the last decade. Dentists contract with the companies for marketing, scheduling, staff recruitment, supplies and other services. The companies account for about 12,000, or 8 percent, of U.S. dentists, according to Thomas A. Climo, a Las Vegas dental consultant.

Some of them have been riding a boom in Medicaid outlays on dentistry, which rose 63 percent to $7.4 billion between 2007 and 2010, outstripping the 4.9 percent growth in other dental spending. ReachOut and several of its private equity-backed rivals seek patients like Isaac Gagnon, who are covered by Medicaid, the federal-state insurance program for the poor and disabled.

On May 2, All Smiles Dental Center Inc., a management company owned by Chicago-based Valor Equity Partners, filed for bankruptcy protection. Its hand was forced in part by a Texas Medicaid action cutting off payment to some of its clinics because of allegedly “excessive” and “inappropriate” orthodontic care, according to an All Smiles executive’s affidavit included in the filing. All Smiles was part of a state audit in which 90 percent of Medicaid claims for orthodontic braces were found to be invalid because they weren’t medically needed, according to Christine Ellis, one of the auditors.

Source:  http://crooksandliars.com/susie-madrak/wall-street-owned-dental-management-c 

He kicked and screamed while several adults held him on the dental table, according to another teacher’s aide, Stephanie Shultz. “The dentist man got me,” Gagnon remembers her son saying. 

Source:  http://www.bloomberg.com/news/2012-05-17/dental-abuse-seen-driven-by-private-equity-investments.html 


Further proof that health care and dental care are INCOMPATIBLE with a for profit economic system.

May 9, 2012
Lenin and Marx on the true nature of Capitalist Crisis

“It is a pure tautology to say that crises are provoked by a lack of effective demand or effective consumption. […]. The fact that commodities are unsalable means no more than that no effective buyers have been found for them, i.e. no consumers (no matter whether the commodities are ultimately sold to meet the needs of productive or individual consumption). If the attempt is made to give this tautology the semblance of greater profundity, by the statement that the working class receives too small a portion of its own product, and that the evil would be remedied if it received a bigger share, i.e. if its wages rose, we need only note that crises are always prepared by a period in which wages generally rise, and the working class actually does receive a greater share in the part of the annual product destined for consumption. From the standpoint of these advocates of sound and simple common sense, such periods should rather avert the crisis. It thus appears that capitalist production involves certain conditions independent of people’s good or bad intentions, which permit the relative prosperity of the working class only temporarily, and moreover always as a harbinger of crisis.”
-Karl Marx; Capital Vol. 2

“This brings us to the question of why a capitalist country needs a foreign market. Certainly not because the product cannot be realised at all under the capitalist system. That is nonsense. A foreign market is needed because it is inherent in capitalist production to strive for unlimited expansion — unlike all the old modes of production, which were limited to the village community, to the patriarchal estate, to the tribe, to a territorial area, or state. Under all the old economic systems production was every time resumed in the same form and on the same scale as previously; under the capitalist system, however, this resumption in the same form becomes impossible, and unlimited expansion, perpetual progress, becomes the law of production.”
-Lenin; A Characterization of Economic Romanticism

The real barrier of capitalist production is capital itself
-Karl Marx; Capital Vol. 3

April 19, 2012
Marx on the welfare state and the so called “crisis of effective demand”:

“It is a pure tautology to say that crises are provoked by a lack of effective demand or effective consumption. […]. The fact that commodities are unsalable means no more than that no effective buyers have been found for them, i.e. no consumers (no matter whether the commodities are ultimately sold to meet the needs of productive or individual consumption). If the attempt is made to give this tautology the semblance of greater profundity, by the statement that the working class receives too small a portion of its own product, and that the evil would be remedied if it received a bigger share, i.e. if its wages rose, we need only note that crises are always prepared by a period in which wages generally rise, and the working class actually does receive a greater share in the part of the annual product destined for consumption. From the standpoint of these advocates of sound and simple common sense, such periods should rather avert the crisis. It thus appears that capitalist production involves certain conditions independent of people’s good or bad intentions, which permit the relative prosperity of the working class only temporarily, and moreover always as a harbinger of crisis.”

-Karl Marx, Capital Vol. 2

September 6, 2011
Capital Kills Labour

A year ago, a fire in a Bangladesh factory killed 30 workers. The factory made clothes for American companies JC Penny, Abercrombie, and Gap (1). Most of the workers died jumping from the 10th floor, or trying to climb down the fire escapes. An electrical short circuit probably caused the fire. This is a common occurrence in Bangladeshi factories, which use sub-standard wiring, and often have inadequate fire escapes. 500 workers have died in factory fires in Bangladesh in the last five years. Some workers who survived the recent fire complained to the AFP news agency that their fire exits were locked (2).

The fire, and many others, could have been prevented—lives could have been saved—if the factory had seriously implemented the required safety measures. No doubt they considered it too expensive to keep the building up to code, and would rather risk the workers’ lives than eat into their profits. No doubt they were also under pressure from the American firms buying their products to keep the prices low. After all workers, like machines, can be replaced, but lost profits are lost forever. At some point, the decision was consciously made to ignore safety regulations, just one of the innumerable decisions made all over the world every day which place profits over people, lives over loss. In capitalist cost-benefit analysis, individual labourers are expendable, as long as there are more to take their place. And under the coercive conditions capitalism imposes on every aspect of our lives, there are always more people willing to work for however little money: if not here, then somewhere else around the world.

2011 was the 100th anniversary of the Triangle Shirtwaist Factory Fire in Manhattan which killed 146 women, many of them young Italian and Jewish immigrants. The workers died jumping from the top stories of the building, or falling when a flimsy fire escape collapsed. Those trying to escape down the stairs found the door locked. In New York this year the tragedy was solemnly commemorated by a coalition of labour organizers, historic preservation societies, and local artists who held a procession through Greenwich village carrying shirtwaists, and banners with the names of the women who died (3).

But who will commemorate this recent tragedy? It will be up to the families of the workers. The Bangladeshi factory fire was largely ignored by American mainstream media, as are countless other instances of death, illness and severe exploitation in Third World factories which supply American companies. This month, 284 people fainted in a Cambodian H&M factory, due to noxious fumes emitting from the clothes they were constructing. Another 300 workers at an H&M factory 100 miles away fell ill in July (4). This phenomenon has been reported by NGOs who estimate 1,000 fainting have occurred this year among garment workers . A local police chief blames the recent faintings on the “weak health” of the workers, most likely caused by malnutrition, and long shifts handling toxic chemicals in poorly ventilated rooms (5). For Third World labourers, danger and illness are all in a day’s work.

Today, in the centers of consumption, we think these tragedies are things of the past. We have labour laws now, and safety regulations, fire codes, sprinklers and disaster training. Deaths are the result of individual carelessness, not systematic neglect. Regrettable accidents, not corporate policies, are to blame for any lives lost on the job. We assume that in this enlightened era of free-market competition, companies willingly follow the laws and take necessary precautions to ensure workers’ safety: the market acts as a force of reason, regulating itself with the help of state legislation. Factories have to keep up to code in order to be competitive employers: who would want to work for a firm that didn’t care about its workers? The assumption that labour is on an equal footing with capital, that workers have the agency to decide who they sell their labour to, is a myth perpetuated by the capitalist class: neo-liberal economic policy and political propaganda use liberal notions of individual freedom and social equality to obscure the very real race, gender and class differences dividing people. We may have equal rights according to the constitution, but as Marx reminds us, “between equal rights, force decides” (6) Neo-liberalism champions micro-credit programs as a solution to poverty, corporate bailouts to stimulate economic recovery, and privatization to improve health-care and social services. We have seen the effects of these policies over the last thirty years, since their introduction by Reagan and Thatcher in the 1980s: the rural poor burdened by mounting debt (7), massive profits for banks and unemployment for the masses, and drastic reductions of medical coverage and welfare benefits (8).

Despite agreeing to negotiate compensation for the injured workers and the families of the deceased, and to implement rigorous fire safety standards, JC Penny, one of the seven companies supplied by the factory, has dropped out of the negotiations. Whether or not the people affected by this tragedy will be compensated remains to be seen, though certainly no amount of money can make up for a permanent injury, or the loss of a loved one. Yet money is the best thing they can hope for from these negotiations: capital regards with human life in no other terms.

Even when progressive people acknowledge the horrors of sweat shop labour—our cheap goods come at a human cost!—the issue is taken to be a Third World problem, caused by corrupt local governments and sleazy factory owners cutting corners. Working conditions in sweat shops are likened to those prevailing a hundred years ago during the dark ages of Europe and America’s Industrial Revolution, further reinforcing the colonial construct of the West as the center of Progress, which the rest of the world is still catching up to. Well meaning organizations may decry the deplorable conditions in Third World factories, and urge consumers to consider the ethical implications of the things they buy. But rarely do they extend their analysis to an anti-capitalist conclusion. We might be called upon to boycott Nike, but not to recognize the coercive force of US economic imperialism, or to challenge the inherently immoral system of capitalists extorting surplus value from exploited labour. Better regulations or consumer boycotts will not improve workers’ conditions in a global economy operating on free-market competition, aimed at generating enormous wealth for a tiny number of individuals, at the expense of every one else. As David Harvey says, “capital circles the globe looking for the most profitable locations. ” Countries like China, India, Cambodia, and Taiwan attract foreign investment by offering large reserves of cheap labour with minimal state regulation to police profits. Companies that used to manufacture in the US and Europe have moved their operations to developing countries where they can turn a higher profit by exporting cheap goods to Western markets.

Hazardous workplaces and meager wages are not anomalous throw backs to the Industrial Revolution: they are standard conditions for the global proletariat. And these conditions are no accident: they are purposefully perpetuated by international capitalism to ensure cheap production and high profits. Capitalists need to increase their profits by 3% every year just to keep up with the competition and remain in business, and they achieve this by cutting the costs of production to the bare minimum, paying workers low wages for long hours, and skimping on safety measures. Death and illness on the job are endemic to capitalism’s systematic lack of ethics. As long as there are more workers to fill the fields and factories, capitalists do not care how many are crushed in the path of their relentless pursuit of profit.

What we need are not more laws for capitalists to ignore, standards for them to squirm around, or regulatory agencies for them to bribe. State governments have been falling in step with capital since the before the Industrial Revolution, facilitating massive accumulation and profit through land seizures, the privatization of natural resources, police and military control of the population, bureaucracy, corporate-sponsored politicians, bank bail-outs, slashed social services, and laws which punish poor people, immigrants, women, workers, and people of colour (9). No boycotts or NGOs or online-petitions are going to stop the insatiable lust for profit, the vampire of capital which drains the blood of labour to keep on living (10).

We need a mass movement of working people to forcefully seize the means of production, an organized revolutionary force to wage war against the ruling class. We need violent action, not peaceful reform; international solidarity, not competitive nationalism. From the Industrial Revolution to Globalization, from the New York in 1911 to Bangladesh in 2011, capitalism is the culprit in these crimes. We must destroy the drive-for-profit, private property, the free-market, and the state apparatuses upholding them if we’re to have any hope of an equitable, cooperative society, of production free from exploitation, for the benefit of all people. And we must have this hope if we’re to have any hope at all for the future of humanity, animals and the earth.

  1. http://www.change.org/petitions/jc-penney-dont-break-your-promise-to-families-of-workers-who-died-making-your-clothes?utm_source=action_alert&utm_medium=email&alert_id=rQanerDeCt_DNjZQwZmbx

  2. http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-south-asia-11991807

     3.  http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Triangle_Shirtwaist_Factory_fire

     4.   http://www.styleite.com/media/hm-factory-fainting/

     5.   http://www.reuters.com/article/2011/08/25/us-cambodia-faintings-idUSTRE77O2TC20110825

     6. Marx, Karl. Capital. Page 235. International Publishers, New York: 1977

     7.   http://www.mainstreamweekly.net/article1492.html

     8. The number of Americans without health insurance has risen from 46.3 million (15.4%) to 50 million (16.7 %) in a year. http://www.usatoday.com/news/nation/2010-09-17-uninsured17_ST_N.htm

     9. For some recent examples of these laws see Arizona’s anti-immigrant law SB 1070 passed in collaboration with prison corporations (http://www.npr.org/templates/story/story.php?storyId=130833741), the numerous laws restricting access to abortion which primarily affect low-income women (http://www.alternet.org/reproductivejustice/151504/900_anti-woman_laws_to_appease_conservative_extremists_—_is_abortion_becoming_legal_in_name_only/ ), and laws which require welfare recipients to pass drug tests which purposefully ignore the explicit causal connection between drug use and poverty http://inciteblog.wordpress.com/2011/07/19/stereotypes-myths-criminalizing-policies-regulating-the-lives-of-poor-women/

    10. “Capital is dead labour, that, vampire-like, only lives by sucking living labour, and lives the more, the more labour it sucks.” Karl Marx, Capital page 233.


-H

September 5, 2011
What did Capitalism bring to Russia? Andrei Shleifer and the plunder of the Russian Economy.

“During the 1990’s, Summers was a top Treasury official tasked with overseeing the economic rehabilitation of Russia after the fall of the Soviet Union. This project was, of course, a complete disaster that resulted in decades of horrific poverty, suffering, and death. But that didn’t stop top advisers to the program, notably Harvard economist Andrei Shleifer, from getting massively rich by investing his own money in Russian projects while advising both the Treasury and the Russian government. This is called “fraud”, and a federal judge slapped both Shleifer and Harvard itself with fines for their looting of the Russian economy. But somehow, after the court ruling against him for defrauding two governments while working for Summers, Shleifer managed to keep his job at Harvard. That’s because after the Clinton administration, Summers became president of Harvard, where he protected Shleifer.” - Show me the Money (labor creates all wealth!) Issue #31 winter/spring 2010 

“Lenin is said to have declared that the best way to destroy the Capitalist System was to debauch the currency… Lenin was certainly right. There is no subtler, no surer means of overturning the existing basis of society than to debauch the currency. The process engages all the hidden forces of economic law on the side of destruction, and does it in a manner which not one man in a million is able to diagnose.” - Keynes

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When we are force-fed the lie daily in the media that austerity and massive cuts are the only solution to solving debt issues in the plummeting capitalist economy, I recommend people look into what actually happens to nations that accept these measures. Neo-liberal debt relief schemes have been decimating sovereign economies since Reagan, including dropping Russia into a third world country while allowing leeches like Andrei Shleifer to amass insane amounts of wealth. Until economic reform includes a structure of power that excludes capitalist swine from any authority, the world will continue on a path of poverty and death.
-M

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